Wanting to be Wanted
Robin:
Hello, Agnes.
Agnes:
Hi, Robin.
Robin:
What should we talk about tonight?
Agnes:
I thought we are going to talk about erotic desire.
Robin:
Or romantic desire.
Agnes:
Or romantic desire, yeah. We want to talk about desire but we wanted to
separate out the species of desire that’s relevant in context like crushes and
dating and breakups and marriage. The kind of desires that we can put into
longing, that’s what it’s about.
Robin:
You and I have talked a little bit about this recently outside of the podcast
and one of the things that struck us both as interesting was that we had come
across a bit of a, not paradox, but a conflict, a common conflict with respect
to at least the most stereotypical descriptions of desires. So to be concrete
like I did a poll based on something you had told me from, was it Aristotle,
about the hypothetical where someone on the one hand say is attracted to
someone and could on the one hand maybe have sex with them but they weren’t
that into it. And on the other hand, this other person might really want it
but it never happens. And we ask which scenario would you prefer and there was
a strong preference for the second scenario. And so, a lesson we could draw
from this is that people have a substantial and strong preference for the
other person’s desire of them even over and above what they might otherwise be
thought to want to get directly out of the relationship. So wanting them to
want you is a big part of it. And what we have realized is that there is a bit
of an incompatibility there, or at least apparent one, that we have two
people, each of whom wants the other one to want them. But the question is,
what exactly do they want them for? So if I wanted you to want me for concrete
features like my height or intelligence or wealth even, and you wanted me to
want you for your concrete features, your compassion, your charisma, then that
doesn’t work as a match because we aren’t actually getting what we want from
the other person. Whereas if you had an asymmetric relation perhaps, just one
person wants the other one for their body and the second one just wants to be
wanted for their body. Well, now, we have a match but this is asymmetric and
perhaps in many ways unsatisfactory. And this was an interesting conflict that
we came across and that made us both interested in thinking more about, well,
what exactly do we want someone to want us for? Did I summarize that well?
Agnes:
I want to clarify something that just because when you first presented it, you
used a bunch of pronouns and it might not have been clear who you are
referring to so I’m going to just use like A and B.
Robin:
OK. Sure.
Agnes:
Because you state like the first thing, right? So the Aristotle thing is
supposed A can choose between two different lovers, B1 and B2, so B1 is
passionately, amorously interested in having sex with A but is prevented from
doing so. And B2 is willing to have sex with A but would do so sort of
reluctantly but B will actually get to have sex with B2. Does A prefer B1 or
B2? And Aristotle says that the erotic preferences for B1 for no sex but for
the person who is passionately interested in you. OK. That’s just same thing
you said but you just said he or she or they and that wasn’t clear. I guess I
would put the paradox slightly differently. Like I would say even if we are
not very specific about what it is that we want to be wanted for, if you
assume that the characteristic erotic desire is wanting to be wanted, if my
erotic like erotic relation to you is wanting you to want me and your erotic
relation to me is wanting me to want you, it looks like even if we don’t
specify what it is that we want to be wanted for, in some way, each of us is
selfish. And if those are our only erotic desires then we are not able to give
the other person what they want because we are both takers, let’s say.
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
We are both – if eroticism is fundamentally being a taker then it’s like two
opposing magnets that would never attract to each other.
Robin:
So I did a follow-up poll I guess to that first poll where I asked people what
do you want to be wanted for and I gave them like some features like their
body or their wealth or their smarts or compassion or the option of wanting to
be wanted for the fact that you want them. And people did not like that second
option. Almost all the answers were wanting to be wanted for particular
features. So that seems to more limit the possibility of finding a match
between some just merely being happy with the fact that the other person wants
you because you want them.
Agnes:
Right. So if – you might think like the option they are rejecting is that what
would satisfy me is your erotic desire which is to say, your desire to be
wanted by me. Right? Ultimately, I think we have that actually I guess the
option we go with. But before we get there, just in terms of the other ones
where people are like, “No, no, no, I want to be wanted for my body or my
wittiness or my personality or my moral virtue or whatever.” The interesting
thing there is that people don’t seem to be very particular about which of
those things.
Robin:
Yes.
Agnes:
Right? Like wanting to be wanted, even wanting to be wanted for your body,
which features of your body would you like to be wanted for? Is it the shape
of your eyes or is it the scent of your neck? And if the person is like, “Oh!”
it turns out it’s the scent of your neck, maybe you are happy with that and
you didn’t antecedently specify it had to be the neck thing and not the eyes
thing, right?
Robin:
Right. It looks suspiciously like there are these various sorts of shame
scenarios where people don’t want to associate with those scenarios because
those have been criticized as bad. Like it has been criticized as bad to let
somebody wants you only for your money or only for your body or something. So
everybody has to say, “No, that’s not – that couldn’t be what’s going on or at
least can’t be the main thing that’s going on.” But then once they’ve excluded
the shame scenarios that they’re not supposed to want, they’re not actually
very particular about which other scenarios they want, as long as that they
aren’t the shame scenarios, they are OK. So which I suspect is more about the
shaming than about what they actually want.
Agnes:
So, right. So I guess the first thing I was trying to point out is that even
if people are sort of in some sense know what they want in the sense of not
wanting merely that the other person wants to be wanted by them, they really
don’t know what they want in a sense. So there is a big variety of ways that
they would accept being wanted and it’s suspicious that they are not
particular among those …
Robin:
Yes, I agree.
Agnes:
… variety of choices. Now, you’re pointing out, yeah, but there are still some
that they reject. And so they might reject just being wanted for their body or
just being wanted for their money. And I suspect that you’re right that like
the reason why you don’t want to be wanted just for your body or just for your
money, the one way to put that is there is a social disapproval of that. But I
think it goes a lot – we can go one step deeper. I think that we sort of want
to be wanted for features of ourselves that have symbolic potential like if
you are like, “I want you for the smell of your neck,” that sounds a little
bit like romantic, right? Whereas if you are like even if you were to say
something like, “Well, you have very symmetrical features,” or something,
that’s sound a little clinical like maybe I don’t like that one. And then I
would much rather you like me for let’s say, my charming idiosyncratic
personality than for like how I’m really good at predicting what’s going to
happen or something.
Robin:
You are reminding me that like years ago, I remember discussing with these
people and I remember two kinds of theories people liked but at the moment, I
am not that big on them. But that it’s worth mentioning. So one theory people
liked was well, you want to be liked for permanent not temporary features
because if they like you for a temporary feature then that means your
relationship could go away. So if they like you for looks, that might go away.
But if they like you for your compassion, that could be permanent or
something. Or if they like you for your money, that might be temporary I
guess. And then I guess another way to – another sort of framing is liking you
for a commodity versus liking you for some very unique feature. If they like
you for a commodity, then you could be easily replaced for somebody else who
has the same commodity and so you would not feel very secure. Whereas if they
like you for some very unique feature that only you have, then you might think
then that this will assure a longer-lasting relationship. So I think there are
some truths to those things. But again, I’m more doubtful because it looks
like the whole thing is a bit of a pretense.
Agnes:
I mean I’m also doubtful. I’m not sure I’m quite easy with the pretense. But I
think that I might not want you to like me for my aristocratic background or
something where I’m not – it’s not very temporary, right?
Robin:
And it could be very unique.
Agnes:
It could be very unique like I could be like the Queen of England or I’m about
to become the Queen of England and I don’t want you to just want me because
I’m going to be Queen. I want you to – and maybe I’m the only one who could be
Queen unless I die then it would be the next person. But still, unless I die,
I’m not going to be replaced, right? So in that case, it’s not temporary and I
wouldn’t be replaced but I don’t – so I’m inclined to think that there are
certain features of a person that have symbolic potential, that is, they have
the potential to symbolize some other kind of desire relation that we are
looking for and which we choose to have symbolic potential is going to be very
culturally specific. Like in ancient Greece, it was ankles that were really
big. I mean just having the right turned ankle. They must have constantly been
paying attention to people’s – women’s ankles.
Robin:
OK. Yeah.
Agnes:
And so then being attracted to someone for their ankles would be sort of
romantic. Whereas like nowadays, even – if you think of different body parts,
like being attracted to someone for the size of their breasts, that’s like
probably not considered very romantic, right? Whereas the shape of their
ankles maybe are of ancient Greece, maybe. So even just different body parts,
some of them are going to so to speak, have symbolic potential. And I could
even imagine like in our world where aristocratic titles are no longer really
a thing. You could romanticize someone’s – oh, their great grandparents were –
great, great grandparents were rich and nobility or whatever.
Robin:
Yeah.
Agnes:
So anyway, that’s my thought is that it’s actually relatively open which
properties of a person have romantic potential, not to suggest that we have to
go – move over to OK, what is it for something to have romantic potential?
It’s not the property itself that signifies that somebody …
Robin:
So it’s open relative to a culture but given a culture is no longer so open.
Agnes:
Right.
Robin:
So it seems like we should go there in terms of thinking of a more socially
constructed story which is what you’re leaning toward here and let’s at least
explore that. And so, I would speak of it in terms like this is a very
important thing to us all and so we all need to talk as if we were somewhat in
control of it and somewhat like managing it consciously. And so, we have to
talk as if we are somewhat aware of what we want and we have some standards
and we are being somewhat picky. But that may be much of a pretense in the
sense that the process that makes us be attracted to some people or not or
feel satisfied or not with some relationships may just be very subconscious
and out of our control and even out of our vision such that it just tells us
who we like and whether it’s a good match or whether it feels like full
enough, and that’s just true in all cultures. But we feel out of control to
just admit that, to just say, “Who knows.” And so we have to sort of make up
these stories that we are in more control because we have these descriptions
of what we want even if these descriptions have some correlation to what we
end up choosing, it doesn’t mean that a process and a choice has much to do
with our conscious analysis and categorization of it and that may not just
have much effect on the actual choices.
Agnes:
Well, if I’m right and these properties have kind of symbolic relevance then
there is more work to be done in saying, what is it that they symbolize? So
what is it that the woman’s ankle symbolize for Homeric Greeks or whatever.
That is, you are right that there’s a level of pretense in that you think it’s
the ankles but really it’s not about the ankles. It’s about something else.
And that thing is being kept hidden from your view but we ought to be able to
theorize that thing even if – once we’ve theorized it, that doesn’t mean we
are going to be able to choose who fall in love with based on this property,
right? But I think that the reason why it’s important to recognize the
symbolic character is that it actually puts pressure on original paradox. Our
original paradox which we still haven’t solved is that each person’s erotic
desire is fundamentally a desire about wanting to be wanted. And if everyone
just wants to be wanted then nobody wants anybody else. Everyone just wants
the wanting to come to them. So wanting to be wanted is egocentric or selfish.
And so it looks like there should be no matches between people if this were
true. We could imagine maybe it’s not true and everyone has like two desires.
They have – they wanted to be wanted and they also want other people and then
we sort of match up by each person gets the satisfaction of their desire to be
wanted from the other person’s wanting and vice versa. That will be a system
that worked. But then we have to posit that there’s that additional erotic
desire, the wanting that’s separate from the wanting to be wanted. And I
suspect there maybe there is. But maybe there’s just the wanting to be wanted
and then we get the problem.
Robin:
Well, there is a wanting to be wanted by qualified wanters. Right. So …
Agnes:
Sure.
Robin:
So that’s definitely part of the structure.
Agnes:
But none of the – nothing we add there is relevant to the paradox. That is, it
doesn’t matter why you want to be wanted, who you want to be wanted by. If
what you want is to be wanted then you’re not going to match with anyone else
who also what they want is to be wanted. Unless we have the one scenario that
was ruled up by your poll which is that the way in which you want to be wanted
is by another person’s wanting to be wanted then you’d get a match.
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
Right.
Robin:
Right. And so, I’m willing to posit that in fact, people aren’t being very
honest there. That in fact, they do accept that somebody else wants them
primarily because of their ability to be wanting. But what they tell
themselves truthfully is yes, but this is a person with these other features
who wants me for wanting them and I am sort of happy with the fact that I
didn’t just get anybody to want me to want them. That I got somebody who had
had these features I wanted that makes them especially desirable.
Agnes:
So I think that I interpret this – the features as having a slightly different
psychological bearing on the person than you do. So you are saying, somehow
they use the features to convince themselves that they are being selective and
then that seems OK and so they can maintain their pride or something. And I
think that the features symbolize some kind of a match between my wanting to
be wanted and your wanting to be wanted. And in some way, they distract us
from the underlying paradox that we are in a situation where we shouldn’t
match. And so, we – it’s not so much – it’s like these desires can’t match in
reality. That it seems like they can only match in like some kind of symbol
space.
Robin:
Well, I mean what – I’m not sure how them being a symbol of something else
helps unless there’s some forgiveness in the degree of matching. That is, if
we had an ideal relationship that was fully fleshed out in full detail and we
were going to say the symbol is a symbol that we achieved that ideal thing
then it’s going to be a problem because we don’t have that ideal thing. So
there has to be a sense in which the symbol is forgiving, that once we have
something in the direction of right sort of symbols, we are going to be more
forgiving about whatever it is we end up with.
Agnes:
Yeah. So like I guess my thought is that there are other phenomena of this
kind where we have to have an interaction. We want to know things about each
other that are very difficult to know. And so, we have like a practice that
symbolizes or having that knowledge. And then because it’s sort of we are not
solving the problem, we are sort of managing the problem, we have to keep
doing the practice over and over again. And you might think that’s part of
what a ritual is. It’s a kind of bad solution to a problem that you have to
keep repeating. And so like if you say, “Suppose we want to know we trust each
other and that we both understand the deal that we have just made in exactly
the same terms and we both know that we are going to follow through and we
know that the other person knows that we are going to follow through and like
out to infinity, right?” and so we shake hands. And the shaking of the hands
sort of symbolizes that we have this knowledge. I know that you know that I
know that you know that I know that you know that we are both going to follow
through, etc. Right? Now, does the shaking of the hands actually mean we have
enough? No, it’s just handshaking, right? It’s just a symbol. But we do have
this kind of gesture or language that makes it possible for us to like somehow
perform this shared knowledge. And I think we have a kind of gesture or
language that helps us perform the I want you to want me and I want you to
want me to want you and etc. And we have certain symbols of properties or
people that you are allowed to fasten on to and also have symbolic activities
like sex that are supposed to express that mutual wanting.
Robin:
Good. So this – we can integrate this with other sorts of social framings
which might be thought of more in terms of social construction or convention
and we can explore how much they are the same thing as the kind of symbolism
you are thinking of. So if we think about the shaking of hands for a contract,
say, we could think – in the terms you are describing, we can say, “Well, a
contract is some set of expectations that I will do something and you will do
something and I expect you to expect me to do it, etc.” And each of these
expectations could be wrong and it’s very complicated so we would have to do a
lot of research on each other to figure out when the other person thinks
another person might not do something and so they might not do it and all
those sorts of complicated thing. Or you might …
Agnes:
An infinity amount of research.
Robin:
Right. Exactly.
Agnes:
Yeah.
Robin:
Right. Or you could say that we create this convention of a contract and we
have certain sort of ways in which a contract is declared to have happened and
then we have various social norms about how you are supposed to act in the
context of a contract such as those norms will encourage you to not break the
contract too easily. And so, we replace the reasoning about meta levels of who
believes what about who, etc., with a social construct which we reified
through a ritual. That is, we say that a certain kind of behavior is treated
as us having done a thing that creates a certain kind of social situation
where we now are supposed to treat it a certain way. And the shaking hand
that’s a contract and then the romantic case, you say we have a relation of a
certain type. And so then the work is being done by a society who has a menu
of kinds of relations. And then when you grow up, you’re supposed to learn the
menu. And now, there are different actions that indicate which kind of
relation you’re in and now, you’re supposed to be watching carefully to see
which actions are taken so you can say, “Aha! We are now
boyfriend/girlfriend.” Or now whatever it is because it’s a complicated world
and you’re trying to interpret that. And that all makes sense except that in
some more past more traditional worlds, there was a relatively limited menu of
relationships. There’s a relatively clear sort of translation guide book to
tell you which kind of relations corresponded to which kinds of actions. And
then in the modern world, we are proud of ourselves for allowing just a
flowering of a much wider space of relations which then is going to have to
put us at a disadvantage in figuring out what the other person thinks about
our relation because we aren’t just shaking hands and doing the standard
thing. We are – there are maybe dozens or thousands of different possible
things we could be creating here.
Agnes:
Right. So I think that in the case of let’s say contracts, there are variety
of relatively well-known rituals that symbolize like you could be signing your
name or shaking hands or smoking a pipe together or in what is it? In Tom
Sawyer, it’s like blood brothers, like they each prick their fingers.
Robin:
Right. Right.
Agnes:
Right. And so that’s variety, right?
Robin:
But those aren’t necessary indicating different relationships. That is, each
of those rituals could pretty much produce the same kind of relationship.
Agnes:
I mean I think they don’t in practice. Like being blood brothers for Huck and
Tom isn’t quite different than smoking a piece of pipe with someone or signing
a contract or a handshake or business deal. Those all seem like different
relations. I think that it’s more like – I would sort of say the problem in
the romantic case is we have – there’s sort of one ritual that is – and so if
we think of these – each of these as different languages and they are
culturally-specific languages for expressing this content where if you try to
express it by way of propositions like, “I trust that you trust that I trust
that you trust,” we would not get anywhere so we want to express it like
non-propositionally. And so, we do with the handshake. And so if you think
about what we are trying to express in the erotic case, I want you to want me,
I want you to want me to want you, I want you to want me to want you to want,
etc., ad infinitum, I think there is one kind of lone ritual that we’ve all
converged upon that expresses that, which is sex. To say that one lone ritual
is not …
Robin:
It’s an especially highlighted important one. There are others of course.
Agnes:
There absolutely are others. I just mean the degree of convergence is
surprising.
Robin:
Yes.
Agnes:
Right? And to say that is a little bit misleading because of course sex itself
can happen in a pretty big variety of different ways and if you consider
homosexual sex and then just like multiple partners, there are just a lot of
variety within sex, right? So to say sex is a ritual that we’ve all converged
on, that’s still just saying there’s a big variety within the ritual. Still, I
think we kind of – there’s this kind of interesting fact which is that we sort
of keep trying to innovate new rituals as a romantic ritual and then – or the
erotic ritual. You could think of romanticism, the whole romantic movement as
like let’s have this new arena for eroticism that’s going to be more about
emotion and passion and not just about sex. And I feel like it’s a little
harder to get a kind of stable and shared language of eroticism or the signal
of wanting to be wanted outside of sex. And to me, that itself is kind of
interesting.
Robin:
So what I recall from some evolutionary psychology literatures is they often
distinguish three key stages of relationships where they talk about limerence,
lust, and attachment and that these are separate sort of stages because they
are separate kinds of attraction. And you might think they have somewhat
separate rituals of things that show that we are in that kind of relationship.
And so, that seems at least one kind of complexity to add here that now you
can have various mixtures of these things and you can be doing things that
symbolize this. Now, I would – you said we couldn’t express in language the
sort of all the meta levels. I think in fact, there is a formal way to do that
in the world of say, common knowledge and common belief, we actually have
simple finite statements that represent all these meta levels at once. But –
so what we might say is, we have common belief that and that could just be
true. But there is a sort of element of social construction even so where say,
by saying we have common belief that if you don’t contradict me then we now
get to believe that we have common belief. But that’s the nature of language.
Language can be – language can create things by saying things. Language can be
performative and there are ways to do that. But still, language isn’t the only
way. In many ways of course, we often want what are costly signals, instead of
cheap signals, we want – when you make an important thing through a symbolic
act, we want it to be somewhat expensive so that it’s not too easy to do so
that we can be more assured that you are really meant it.
Agnes:
I think to give a costly signal is like not so helpful here. That is, I think
that – because I think that a signal could be incredibly costly but it’s the
wrong kind of cost and then it would not serve the relevant function. So I
think it matters to us that the person be engaging, really engaging in the
ritual and not just fake engaging in it or something. But they could be faked
engaging in it for all sorts of reasons and they could be paying high cost to
do so. And we still wouldn’t – like someone could be willing to pay like a
massive amount of money to have sex with you, right? And like that is a very
costly signal.
Robin:
Right. But that’s not enough. Obviously, we want to …
Agnes:
But it’s not eroticism and actually engaging in the erotic activity might be
cheaper and something that might be cheaper. So I don’t think that we want the
signals to be costly. I think it’s that we want them to be conveyed in a
specific way. And I think that like in the case of common belief, it’s like,
“You’re right. Of course, I could just say, let expression acts denote this
infinite series.” We can do that with language. But I actually – I think that
we want to separate that kind of stipulative power of language with – there’s
also a ritual function of language. Of course, words have power and there are
certain words that have more power, right? And so sometimes, actually it is by
those things like when people say vows or something. It’s like the saying of
the vow has a certain kind of ritual force that you couldn’t get if you didn’t
actually like have to say them out loud and hear them and be next to the
person and all that. So – and it’s in that second case, like if I just say we
have common belief, it doesn’t do anything. It doesn’t give you the common
belief if I say that. Right? But there are maybe certain words we can go
through where I say the words and you say the words and now, we have a feeling
of common belief. And I think that it’s interesting to think how general is
this as a theory of social construction. That is, I did a bunch of Twitter
polls a few months ago that revealed that none of us really know what social
construction means. This will be a potential gloss on it, though I don’t that
it generalizes, which is that there are certain problems that we have to solve
where we are trying to coordinate being in the same mental state at other
people and we don’t have direct communicative ways to do this. That is, we
can’t do it by way of a straightforward propositional exchange. We have to do
it in a symbolic medium. And that’s what we are calling social construction is
the use of a symbolic medium to solve a coordination problem that can’t be
solved by language directly.
Robin:
So I’d like us to think about and highlight an issue that comes up with this
sort of social construction. So, often in many kinds of interactions including
especially in romance, we often have say, a standard conflict like in say,
Romeo and Juliet, between a menu of relationships available as interpreted by
the society and some approved by the society. And then the characters involved
are rejecting the menu and saying that, “No, I want this.” And even
substantially at odds with this sort of social construction scenario. So if
you might think it was just about as I might have said, the pretense of having
desires and knowing what they are but not really knowing and then accepting
some standard social structure that appeared then you would see less of these
perhaps or is this just a way that we can extend the pretense and pretend like
we are defying society because we enjoy these stories where one pretends to
defy the social conventions about what sort of relationships you should find
acceptable.
Agnes:
No. I think it’s a really good point. It’s a good objection to the view that
so to speak sex is a social construction. I think it’s true that it is. But
there’s a difference between the sex and the handshake, which is that the
handshake and with many other social rituals, it seems like we are just
totally happy for there to be a ritual and a ritualized form of the
expression. And unless something is really going wrong, we sort of stick with
it and we are fine. And in the romantic realm, like there’s constant sort of
skepticism of like, “But does he really love me? Does she really want me?” I
heard a line the pop song, “I need to know you’re thinking of me.” Right?
Imagine how insane that would be to say to your co-worker, to your friend.
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
Even to your mom, right? Like I need to know you’re thinking of me. I don’t
need to know my best friend is thinking of me. She doesn’t think about me for
a whole month, that’s fine with me, right? But somehow, we need to know that
our romantic partners are thinking of us. We have to occupy their mental real
estate, right? And that suggests the presence of a kind of anxiety where it’s
almost like we are just very aware of the underlying problem. Do you really
want me? We are so aware of it that we are dissatisfied with the ritual as a
solution to it and there’s a kind of restlessness and constant innovation and
always running to up the ante, right? I mean women are famous for this in
terms of they are always wanting the relationship to progress to another
level, right? You can only – maybe at the next level, you are going to prove
that you really want me. I need to see commitment from you. Now, I need to see
that you – I’m kind of pushing, I’m pushing on the edge because the ritual and
the repetition of the ritual doesn’t satisfy me.
Robin:
So there’s a another whole literature about these things that I think has a
lot of truth, which thinks that these things in some sort of relatively simple
an evolutionary psychology story or just a story of conflict wherein, if you
are in a world where cheating is possible and common, now, people are worried
about looking for signs of that and they want people to sort of show them in
some various signals including costly signals that they are not inclined to
that or that’s not happening. And so even though people are matched, they are
worried that the match would not stay and that someone will betray them or
leave them. And so, we could then understand a lot of this costly maintenance
in terms of this continuous costly possibility of betrayal. So we could think
of an analogy say in a legislature where you’re trying to put together a
coalition to support a bill and until the vote actually comes up, people will
say they support you but they might switch if somebody else offers a better
deal. And so then there is – in that environment, a lot of constant
maintaining of relationships like are they still talking to me every day?
Maybe if they are not talking with me today, maybe they left to another
coalition. And apparently there’s a lot of continual reassurance of that
you’re still in the same team and you’re still seeing things eye to eye. And
that’s also true in office politics, I understand. In a context where
alliances or coalitions can be fluid, people will be demanding more constant
reaffirmation of relationships and loyalties.
Agnes:
That pushes the question to the next level which is, why is there this – why
is there even just a thing as cheating? So you could have imagined that our
ancestors were all just like they’re in some group, they also have some sex
with each other. Sometimes there are kids and they all just take care of the
kids. And instead we have this idea of like, “No, no, no. I own this one and
this one has to take care of my kids here.” And so the very – in the context
of friendship, even of parenting, that parent relation to child and of work,
we just don’t tend to demand exclusivity. And maybe the demand for exclusivity
shows up when there is a situation of warfare like – so if it’s like –
supposed in the office politics, suppose there’s an office that’s divided into
two groups that hate each other, then maybe I need to know that you are not in
the other group. I need to know you are thinking about our group.
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
Right? But I wouldn’t say, “Well, you’re only allowed to have lunch with me in
the office and not …” I mean that would be like inappropriate. But I would
say, “You are not allowed to have lunch with any of the other team.”
Robin:
You have to have lunch with our team to show us that you’re still on our team
because if you keep having lunch with both teams and telling both teams you
are on their side, both teams might be a little suspicious of your loyalty.
Agnes:
Right. But in the erotic context, we have like one person – a one—person team.
That is a two-person team but you said, to join our team is to join me.
Robin:
I mean first of all, we have a vast literature on other nonhuman animals and
when they do child-rearing, it tends to be on small groups and so then there
is the very real issue of the risk of investing in a child that isn’t yours
and that’s – there’s a standard large literature on how animals spend a lot of
energy to monitor to prevent that and how that’s a substantial loss for them.
And humans hunt gatherer groups, in fact, there is a lot more sharing. But in
the first few years of a baby, the caring does predominantly come from that
baby’s parents so it’s not a full sharing scenario. So it seems like all the
usual biological reasons are there to expect humans as well as other animals
to have some reason to want to exclusivity, at least some degree of
exclusivity at least so that people can match their investments to the gains.
They aren’t – they don’t just uniformly take care of all kids without any
distinction and then invest in that. It’s not actually what happens.
Agnes:
OK. You could imagine a situation where you would be inclined to take care of
the kids like in proportion to how often you had sex with the person. So like
if you had sex with like two people and then they both have kids, you would
take care of both but like to a lesser degree than if you had just have sex
with one of them.
Robin:
That would make sense if that was the only information you had about whose kid
was whose, but in fact, you do tend to get more information than that, a
modest amount.
Agnes:
I mean in a society where the women are, if they are having sex with multiple
men, you wouldn’t really get much more information than that. Eventually, the
kind might look like you.
Robin:
Yeah. And that’s what I was thinking, that you would have similarities between
the child and the parents, you’d also have timing information. But I mean
again, the key point is just that we have this vast literature about animals
and humans aren’t that different from other animals so it seems very plausible
that humans have a substantial element of this, explaining a substantial
element. But then you might say, “Well, romantic relationships aren’t only
about parenting.” And so you might expect other aspects to have other
influences to weaken perhaps the exclusivity pressure but there would still be
some.
Agnes:
I mean I think there is something right about the thought that the romantic or
erotic aspect, the I want you to want me thing, really is focused on the onset
of the relationship more than like in a – like a I saw a thing in the New York
Times over the summer – maybe it was like four, five months ago, and it was
this couple that was in their 80s and they have sex – it was about how they
have sex every day. And that was in the New York Times so obviously …
Robin:
Unusual.
Agnes:
… that’s really weird or unusual otherwise, you wouldn’t have – it wouldn’t be
news, right? If there was like a couple in their 20s and they had sex every
day, that would not be in the news. So clearly, there is this erotic
structure, has like – seems to have a kind of place where it then bleeds into
something like attachment and becomes more of a bond, like of a family bond,
family friendship, whatever type bond. One interesting feature of our society
I think and this is related to the thing you meant about the variety of
relationships is that we seem to not really want to accept that. Like there’s
all this stuff about keeping the spice in your marriage and how to reawaken
your whatever. Like as though we wanted to be in perpetual eroticism. We think
sex is really important and we think eroticism is really important and we
wanted to like keep a role in people – we have New York Times articles about
couple that are having sex in their 80s.
Robin:
But this is part of our culture’s ideals which we have to realize like other
societies had different ideals. I mean I always find it fascinating to hear
that, I mean you might know, more ancient societies often – they had – they
knew that sort of romance happened and passions happened and they had a role
for marriage and raising children but they were often wary of people falling
head over heels in love and that disrupting the rest of their life and they
might, if you said, “I’ve fallen in love,” they might say, “I’m so sorry,”
because they had a more story that this tends to go badly. And so, is that not
true or …?
Agnes:
It is true but I think it’s in very romantically-intense cultures that they
have that story. That is the story of it as tending to go badly tends to also
be in cultures where there’s a lot of value on – I’ll give you – if you read
like Maugham's Of Human Bondage, that’s like a story of like love gone
terribly wrong or Proust. But these are in cultures where there’s a lot of
value being placed on the erotic relation. In Ancient Greece, Socrates of
Athens, there was this – one of the paradigms of eroticism was older men and
younger men having these sort of quasi or somewhat regulated erotic
relationships and there definitely were stories about it going wrong and
ruining people’s lives. But it was also seen as potentially like having this
kind of educative value. Obviously, that’s going to be totally different from
reproduction.
Robin:
So let me revise and say that it seems that different from other societies,
our society often puts these as some of our highest ideals so that other
things should be sacrificed for them, whereas other societies saw this as one
of many things that were nice and could have benefits but to be traded off
against other things that are more in equal basis. You didn’t sacrifice
everything for love, whereas, that’s often a sort of stereotypic celebrated
attitude is that once you finally find your true love at whatever point in
life, whatever, however you have to sacrifice, you have to move to another
country, throw your career, never see your children again, whatever it takes.
True love is the highest goal, right? And we do sometimes talk in those terms
and nod approvingly at movies, etc., that celebrate them and it’s worth
pausing and wondering whether we are right to do that.
Agnes:
I mean I guess I’m not sure what you mean that we – if we go to – you can go
to the 18th century and hear stories of something like The Sufferings of Young
Werther, but that’s kind of the height of romanticism. That’s a long time ago.
Robin:
Well, but I still think that’s in the last few centuries in our sort of
culture. But you might think of say, celebrating homosexuality or transgender
as sort of invoking this larger norm that these are people in love and if
that’s what they love, who should say otherwise? That part of it – sort of the
part of the main emotional strength of their pitch is the appeal to our ideals
of romantic priorities.
Agnes:
I don’t think that’s true about transgender. That is, I don’t think it has so
much to do with sexuality. I mean I might be wrong. But the transgender people
I’ve talked to have said, “No, it’s really not about sexuality. It’s about
gender.” And I think that that reveals a distinctive preoccupation of our time
like really by contrast with a more romantic time where the preoccupation was
more with romance. Mainly, a preoccupation with identity categories, right? So
it’s like whether you are a man or a woman and that’s an identity category,
you have a lot invested in it and then you could be misidentified by your
group and then that could be really traumatic for you. And …
Robin:
But I mean, part of the main reasons we care about these identity categories
is who can be loved by who?
Agnes:
Right. So I guess I do meant it’s part of the reason but like I think there’s
just a lot more to it. I mean like I think that it’s well-known fact that like
women dress up for other women because the women are the ones who are going to
notice what you’re wearing and men tend to be more oblivious. Right? And so in
some ways, women are performing femininity at least in part for other women,
not for the men choosing them. And so that performance has some kind of
independent importance beyond mating it seems like.
Robin:
If we expand – I mean we could say that the set of identity and mating is near
a peak of our sacred categories, that is we prioritize those above others in
ways that other societies didn’t. So whether not distinguishing so much within
that set but – and we can include the last few centuries but there was
somewhat of a romantic revolution in the last thousands years certainly to
make a higher priority on romance. And we approve of sacrificing an awful lot
for it. That is, so if we think about allowing divorce, allowing polyamory,
less punishment for adultery, just a whole wide range of policies, the main
justification has been something like the heart wants what the heart wants and
that’s just really important and other things should sacrifice to it.
Agnes:
Yeah. I mean it’s interesting because you – I don’t know how to put this –
it’s like there’s a weird way in which the accommodation of sexuality just
systematically makes things less sexy. So it’s like there is something kind of
unsexy about just like casual sex like, “This doesn’t mean anything. No
strings attached. I just want to have sex and it doesn’t matter.” Where if the
idea, the sort of function of sex is to be this language that conveys this
symbolic meaning of we want each other, and then as we like release all the
regulations around it, it maybe that sort of perversely, it sort of becomes –
like if you imagine being gay before the last 50 years and really giving up
all these sacrifices in order to be with the person you love and maybe even
being killed for it or something, that’s so romantic, right?
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
Whereas now, it’s like, OK, people can be just like the rest of us and we are
all free and there’s something kind of flat about that. And so like you could
say, it’s like, “Yes, because we value eroticism so much.” Or you could say,
“It’s because we are somehow hell-bent on sapping the ritual of all that’s
erotic force and just de-eroticizing our world completely.”
Robin:
So I think you’re right that I hadn’t thought about it so much before,
recently, at least, but there’s a bit of a paradox of when you have something
that’s very sacred and therefore you prioritize it, you increase the quantity
of it and then you will make the marginal value go down. So an analogy might
be say, religion. So imagine there’s a person on the mountaintop, a religious
figure on the mountaintop, and in order to go get some religious advice from
this person, you’ll have to climb the mountain you see and go to a whole
another country and go up. It’s very rare event. And then you finally get to
the top. And now, whatever they tell you will be a precious thing that you got
at great expense and then you can really put this as a high thing in your mind
like you could spend years getting ready for it and remember it for years
afterwards. And if that same person that just like has a website or an 800
number and you could call them at any time, in some sense, you could justify
that by saying, “Well, this is so important. We need to make sure it’s
available for more people and more times.” But then when it’s so available,
each interaction would not actually be valued that much. And you could think
similarly about maybe the most romantic stories might be of a very repressive
society where it was very hard for two people to meet and they had to go
through great troubles to meet and then they finally even got together and saw
each other’s ankles and it was just so great.
Agnes:
Yeah, exactly. Like at that moment where they see each other’s ankles like
they really know that they want each other in a way where it’s almost like
that kind of forceful certainty of knowing is being slowly just withdrawn from
you made more and more difficult as we ease up. I mean it might – you could
think of the analogy though with handshakes, right? Like suppose that in order
to make a deal, at one point in time, you had to get people to like prick
their fingers blood and pinch blood and then they are like “Deals are actually
so important to us that we are going to make it easier to make deals. We are
going to say you have to do a handshake.” And then deals become so important
that we are like, “We don’t even have to do the handshake.” It’s like have you
actually shown that you really super value deals by making it progressively
easier and less ritualistic to do the deals? It’s not clear that that’s what
you’ve done. It sort of seems like you’ve done the opposite.
Robin:
If you recall from The Lord of the Rings movie where Saruman had his human
loyalists cut their hands with a knife to show their – they are going to swear
while they are cutting their hands with a knife on their – that’s even not
just pinprick but a full knife cut.
Agnes:
Right. And like there are different aspects of that kind of ritual that we
could assess and you are focusing on – like that’s a way costlier signal if
you have to cut your whole hand across rather than just prick your finger. I
mean once you know about how easy it is to transfer disease and so pricking
your finger, that does actually seem like kind of a high cost to do but they
sort of – for a lot large history, they didn’t know that so they didn’t
realize how a high cost it was.
Robin:
I wonder if – we are university professors and I wonder if the sacredness of
education and learning is somewhat degraded by how easily we’ve made it
available. Maybe the fact that we let all the journal articles just be online
and anybody can look them up, they don’t have to like trek off to a university
and get a pass to the library, figure out the coding system, and be there in
the back room at night when nobody is watching in order to read these precious
articles. It might have at one time, maybe in our youth, given us a higher
sense of it all.
Agnes:
Yes, but I think we should not allow ourselves to digress onto the sacred
generally. I think we should go back to eroticism because we have like maybe
less than 10 minutes within our hour. And so, I still think there’s something
interesting about the erotic in the way in which it somehow resists
containment by ritual. And maybe one way to think about that is that there’s a
kind of – there’s always a kind of – either a kind of escalation or how much
is going to be called for in order for you to prove that you really want me or
just that it’s always going to sit at the edge of what society accepts so that
the cost – in effect, the cost you are paying is like social sanctions. So
like you prove that you really love by defying your parents. Where you might
say, “Why don’t we just have a comfortable little ritual that we all do
whatever like it’s like shaking hands?” because sex isn’t that. I mean sex is
very weird and it’s very heterogenous, and it can go badly. Shaking hands
never goes badly. No one ever walks away from shaking hands, I mean very
rarely let’s just say. The sex often does go badly especially between two
people who don’t know each other well and in fact also, between people who
know each other. So it looks like we can say and I’ve been saying it and I
think it’s true that sex is ritual but it’s a funny ritual where it seems like
we are always sort of probing it for is it really giving us the information
that we wanted? And that just seems a bit distinctive of eroticism is that we
are testing all these social customs and these social forms of sort of
constructing knowledge, as if knowledge. And in the space of the erotic, we
are testing all of those things.
Robin:
Let me make a comparison to art, like apparently like 500 years ago or longer,
the best sculptors, the best musicians, the best painters would paint would do
their art in a style very similar to the other best. And so, they sort of –
they weren’t distinctive so much as artists but the very best was very
distinctive as being better than the rest. And then in the last few centuries,
we switched to where the best artists each have a very individual personal
style which is what makes them most celebrated and famous. And so, the best
artist doesn’t do their art like the other best artists. They do it especially
distinctly. And you might say that that’s now true in these kind of
relationships, that is we maybe once upon a time, the appropriate way to do
those things was just like you the way everybody else did it and if you did
the way everybody else did it, you’d be great and maybe we want now in the
individual distinctive performance to show somebody that you are part of a
distinctive unique relationship and prove that you aren’t interchangeable with
others and that you won’t interchange.
Agnes:
I mean that could be an innovation. But like if I’m just thinking about
Plato’s Symposium and the speeches on erotic love there, that’s a long time
ago.
Robin:
So maybe there always was the sort of thing that we need to do unique, right?
So maybe long ago, there were some of kind of things to do the best, you did
them the best as the other best. And for other special kinds of things, you
did them best by doing them uniquely. And we’ve decided that that’s the thing
for everything more now. I mean there are many kinds of professionals like
lawyers or something or accounts, right? The best accountant isn’t the
accountant who does it in the most unique way. We want accountants to do them
in a pretty standard way and certainly, even for lawyers. But for an
increasing range of artistic things including maybe starting from this, we
want them to be unique.
Agnes:
Right. And so, like I feel like maybe we could say that the kind of striving
for uniqueness, it seems to go with the dissatisfaction of ritual or
dissatisfaction of this is just how we all do it.
Robin:
It’s never good enough when you need to – when you are trying to be unique,
it’s never good enough because somebody else could be unique in a different
even more striking way.
Agnes:
But if you want to know why break away from the standard way to the – you and
I talked about on a different podcast like professors used to dress a certain
way and their offices used to be decorated a certain way like reliably, right?
And then now, people like you and me, maybe we dress a little bit and maybe
our offices aren’t decorated in the standard way. So it’s like they’re used to
be let’s say, more of a ritual of what it is to look and talk like a professor
and what it is for the professor’s office to how the professor’s office is
supposed to look. And we seem dissatisfied with that ritual. Then the question
is, well, what do you do if you don’t do the ritual? And it seems like you’re
sort of forced into innovating with like, “Here’s my particular – my own
particular way of brand, way of doing it.” But what’s interesting is just to
go back or eroticism is that eroticism is like the origin of all.
Robin:
Yes, might be.
Agnes:
It’s a place, right? It seems like it’s the place where this kind of
dissatisfaction with the social construction, there is a social construction
but there’s a dissatisfaction with it too is most at home where the kind of
testing, is this really happening? That testing is very natural to it.
Robin:
So I’ve always been puzzled about why romance seems playful. So the basic
concept of play is of a safe space where you can practice where the
consequences are lower. But you will stop playing as soon as the consequences
get high. And then you go to say, romance, and the consequences are high but
we still tend to think of it as a playful thing and have sort of playful norms
there. But you might think, well, it’s because we are supposed to have this
unique, playful personal construction that we need to invoke the play norms
there that the whole point is yeah, on the outside world, I’m a soldier and
you’re a mother and a teacher or whatever and we are all taking very standard
roles in the outside but inside our little romantic – private romantic sphere,
we are playing and part of what we are playing is to just be spontaneous and
unique and create our own unique style of personal play.
Agnes:
Yeah. And you could see it in a – look, I think I’m getting this idea from you
but maybe you would not avow it in this form. You could see it as like if you
think of worth between two groups as sort of like the test of like how well
have they been doing to make an army or something? And that like the knowledge
that you could be taken over by another group is going to put pressure on you
to grow, to be of a certain size so that you can have your army so you can win
these battles. That like in a certain way, war is a kind of like a reality
check or something on your society, right?
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
That that’s an idea I got from you. That the erotic is similar but like at the
very inside of it. It’s like yeah, we go through all – we pretend we have all
these roles, we have these like this way we do things to reassure one another,
we shake hands.” But then at the very inside, there’s just this real part,
this part where we are not going to allow ourselves to just like go through
the motions. And people do say, like all is fair in love and war, right?
Robin:
Right.
Agnes:
In war, you’re just going to do what it takes to win. There’s a kind of a
brutalism effect. Right?
Robin:
Right. And so, you might think of that as the – in the competition, your
partner actually could leave you and all you really have to do to convince
them not to is to be as entertaining and engaging or irresistible as you can
and therefore …
Agnes:
Right. Competition. That was the word I was thinking of.
Robin:
Yes.
Agnes:
So these are two spaces of kind of radical competition. OK. We should probably
stop there.
Robin:
We should. All right. Nice talking.